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UNECA,
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
10 December 2001



Celebration of International Human Rights Day
Keynote address by Mary Robinson,
United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights

POVERTY AND RACISM:
CHALLENGES FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
AND DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA


Excellencies,
Ladies and gentlemen,
Introduction
I have come to Addis Ababa on this Human Rights Day for a dialogue, and especially to listen. I am very glad to have had the opportunity to participate in this afternoon's Panel and I learned a lot from its discussions.
Today 10 December, marks the date in 1948 when the General Assembly of the United Nations proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Declaration, which set out ideals and targets calling for recognition and respect for all human rights - civil, political,economic,social and cultural, for all human beings in the world, can claim to be the most influential text ever adopted by the United Nations.
It is true that most of Africa was not represented in the United Nations at that time. But I recall Nelson Mandela’s account during his trial of first hearing of the proclamation of the Universal Declaration in 1948. It filled him with hope at a dark time for his people when the Nationalist government of South Africa was consolidating Apartheid. When African peoples achieved self -determination and joined the United Nations they embraced the Universal Declaration. They went on to reflect its principles in their own African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. They also ratified the main international human rights instruments. African countries have helped shape many of those instruments.
Indeed, it is not very well known history that it is to newly independent Africa, and more broadly the developing world, that we owe a number of the major innovations in the international legal protection of human rights of the 20thcentury.
It was the determination of the new African and Asian nations of the United Nations in the 1960's to end Apartheid in South Africa that shaped the long UN campaign against racism. When you view the struggle for equality as underscoring the entire human rights movement - as I do - this critical role assumes yet more importance. It led to the International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination, of 1965, one of the cornerstones of all international human rights treaties. The struggle against Apartheid at the international level also laid the foundations for the current capacity of the UN machinery to intervene and intercede over many other human rights violations across the world. This is a debt the world owes to Africa but which is not often recognised.
We also owe our thinking on the relationship between development and human rights largely to countries of the South and their determination to make the ideals of human rights relevant to their situation. When the newly independent countries of the 1960s and 1970s joined the United Nations, they took the promise of universal human rights principles and insisted that they were applied to the conditions of their peoples. Despite serious problems of governance, and often of corruption, the belief was there. In 1981, Africa recognized the right to development as a basic human right in the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. From their efforts came the UN Declaration of the Right to Development of 1986. From that deeply influential statement - adopted in Cold War conditions - has come the current thinking of a rights-based approach to development that seeks to bring about the promise of universal human rights and dignity.
But turning to the contemporary world I had a sober message for Human Rights Day. This has been a difficult year for human rights. After so many high hopes that the turn of the Millennium would herald a new era of respect for fundamental freedoms, we are faced with the sobering realisation that there is as much, if not more, work to do now to make human rights a reality for all.
The World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance held in Durban concluded three days before 11 September. The World Conference was the latest event in a long campaign by the world community to rid itself of the scourge of racism and discrimination. The terrorist attacks of 11 September shock the world. All people who cherish life and abhor violence motivated by hatred condemn those attacks unreservedly. I understand that in 1999 the OAU adopted the Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. Let us hope that the Convention will be ratified soon and implemented.
It has been suggested in some quarters that human rights considerations must take a back-seat in the struggle against terrorism. I can not share in that line of thinking. Human rights must be observed, especially in times of crises. We can, and must, fight terrorism while observing human rights. However, the long-term antidote to terrorism is a world where the ideals of the Universal Declaration of equal human dignity for all without any discrimination have been achieved.
1. POVERTY AND HUMAN RIGHTS
Africa has been struggling to overcome not only racism but also poverty. It is the subject of extreme poverty and racism, the relationship between them and the challenges they pose to all of us that I want to address. Poverty and racism correlate and reinforce one another. The groups most marginalised by discrimination are also those that are trapped in poverty. This relationship was one of the themes addressed at the Durban World Conference.
I believe that the greatest challenge to the building of a real human rights culture in any society, lies in tackling discrimination and the endemic poverty that continues to dominate the social landscape of many parts of the world. The Declaration and Plan of Action of the Durban Conference offer us tools to renew commitment to the eradication of both poverty and racism. My message is clear: we must work in partnership to implement the Durban commitments in full, starting now.
I am often asked: “what do you think is the worst human rights problem in our world today?” I reply “extreme poverty”. Extreme poverty means a denial of the exercise of all human rights and undermines the dignity and worth of the individual.
It is painfully clear that inequities within and between the developed and developing are not diminishing but growing. Extreme poverty is the life long experience of millions and millions of people in our world. The numbers are growing. Recently the President of the World Bank in discussing world poverty said:
"Poverty remains a global problem of huge proportions. Of the world's 6 billion people, 2.8 billion live on less than US$ 2 per day, and 1.2 billion live on less than 1 dollar a day. Six infants of every 100 do not see their first birthday and 8 do not survive to their fifth. Of those who do reach school age, 9 boys in 100 and 14 girls do not go to primary school".
Behind such shocking statistics lies the reality of under-development and powerlessness of human beings and human communities. Extreme poverty results in the denial of all human rights.
Poverty is a global phenomenon, challenging communities in the North, as well as the South. But there is no denying that the greatest burden of extreme poverty is in Africa. To give but one illustration: in sub-Saharan Africa twelve countries net enrolments rates in primary school of less than 50 per cent were achieved in the 1990s. It is estimated that the number of children out of school could be as high as 54 million by 2015, the date set in the Millennium Declaration when all children everywhere will complete primary education.
The Committee that monitors the implementation by governments of the UN Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights has thought hard about poverty and lack of rights. This treaty has been ratified by 46 countries in Africa. The Committee recently made a statement that seeks to map out the linkages between poverty as a denial of rights, and rights as a means to combat poverty.
In the past, poverty was often understood as insufficient income to buy a minimum of goods and services. A more comprehensive definition has now emerged, that recognises poverty's broader features that impact upon the basic ability to live in dignity. The Committee defines poverty as “the sustained or chronic deprivation of the resources, capabilities, choices, security and power necessary for the enjoyment of an adequate standard of living and other civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights”. This conveys much more effectively the powerlessness which lies at the heart of poverty.
Although the challenges of extreme poverty are many and complex, according to the Committee a human rights perspective can contribute at least three basic elements to poverty-eradication policies. These are the principles of indivisibility of rights, participation and non-discrimination. Indivisibility means that a human rights approach must encompasses the entire range of rights, civil, political, cultural, economic and social rights, as well as the right to development. They are all "indispensable to those living in poverty" as a means of ensuring a life of freedom and dignity.
Second, is the principle of non-discrimination. The Committee notes that:

"Discrimination may cause poverty, just as poverty may cause discrimination. Inequality may be entrenched in institutions and deeply rooted in social values that shape relationships within households and communities". Only the guarantee of equality and non-discrimination can redress that imbalance and protect vulnerable groups and individuals from the poverty trap.
And finally the Committee lays emphasis on the right of the poor to participate. Participation brings with it empowerment, and is a major part of the answer to poverty. In the Committee's words, "a policy or programme that is formulated without the active and informed participation of those affected is most unlikely to be effective". Those living in poverty must enjoy the right to participate in key decisions affecting their lives.
The process of making relevant operationally a human rights-based approach to poverty reduction is at the beginning stage. It will be crucial in development and poverty-reduction programmes from this point onwards. For example, the increased recognition of the feminisation of poverty makes it vital to link into the international protection of human rights the energies and approaches of the thousands of networks of women's groups. The link between rights and empowerment assists once again in the identification of priorities for the reduction of poverty.
2. RACISM AND POVERTY
The World Conference against Racism, was the latest in a long line of United Nations efforts to address and elimination racism from the world. It was a remarkable coming together of States, NGOs, national institutions, and ordinary people. It was a difficult process, with sometimes impassioned negotiations. But it did succeed ultimately in adopting texts of importance, in agreeing language on many complex issues - both of the past and present - highlighting that the scourge of racism and related discrimination or intolerance crosses all national and cultural boundaries. Most importantly, however, in the wide-ranging Programme of Action adopted, we have equipped ourselves collectively with a true blueprint for the future, a strong global anti-discrimination programme which if taken seriously can result in real progress.
The end of apartheid and institutionalised racism was an enormous achievement. Let us recognise that. But at some point it was always going to be necessary to deal with its antecedents - colonialism and slavery. The World Conference against Racism proved to be the venue where these issues were confronted. It was painful for all and it was not the last word. I would like to note some of the important statements made :
(i) That slavery and the slave trade, including the Trans-atlantic slave trade, were appalling tragedies in the history of humanity. That slavery and the slave trade, especially the transatlantic slave trade, are crimes against humanity and should always have been so. And that slavery and the slave trade as well as colonialism are among the major sources and manifestations of racism and racial discrimination. Africans and people of African descent, Asians and peoples of Asian descent and indigenous peoples were victims of these acts and continue to be victims of their consequences. (Paragraphs 13 and 14);
(ii) That the impact of slavery, slave trade and colonialism on poverty creation are enduring and should be addressed through targeted development initiatives, and
(iii) That States, regional and international organisations, financial institutions and organs of civil society should develop mechanisms to address aspects of globalisation which may lead to racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance (Programme of Action paragraphs 1, 155, 169, 190);
The Conference also addressed the future. The Programme of Action recognises:
"the commitment and the determination of the African leaders, to seriously address the challenges of poverty, underdevelopment, marginalization, social exclusion, economic disparities, instability and insecurity, through initiatives such as the New African Initiative and other innovative mechanisms such as the World Solidarity Fund for the Eradication of Poverty".
This recognition is followed by a call upon - among others - the United Nations and its specialised agencies, to provide, through their operational programmes, new and additional financial resources, as appropriate, to support these initiatives (Paragraph 161).
2.1. Poverty, Racism, Rights-based approach to Development
Let me now turn to the connections between poverty and racism. I have already noted that these are self-perpetuating and mutually reinforcing. Those trapped in poverty often lack the legal rights which would empower them and protect them from arbitrary or inequitable treatment. They are therefore more vulnerable to discrimination and racism.
The reverse link - the effect of racism in promoting poverty - is also emerging . Recent studies are shedding more light on the long-term impact of racial discrimination in economic and social terms. We now find that poverty indexes broken down by race and ethnic group often correlate strongly with other human development indicators such as access to health services, education and employment. But this is also the case with other forms of discrimination. The latest World Development Report confirms that "discrimination on the basis of gender, ethnicity, race, religion or social status can lead to social exclusion and lock people in long-term poverty traps". In short, exclusion and marginalisation lead to and exacerbate already existing conditions of poverty and inequalities.
2.2. Durban on Poverty and Racism
The World Conference offers us the tools to respond to the challenge of poverty and racism - not only as self-standing problems, but also as interlocking agendas. The Declaration highlights that:
"poverty, underdevelopment, marginalisation, social exclusion and economic disparities are closely associated with racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, and contribute to the persistence of racist attitudes and practices which in turn generate more poverty". (paragraph 18)
Similarly, the reverse was recognised - that the "negative economic, social and cultural consequences of racism have contributed significantly to the underdevelopment of developing countries and, in particular, of Africa" ;.
As a result, the Conference resolved "to free every man, woman and child from the abject and dehumanising conditions of extreme poverty to which more than one billion of them are currently subjected, to make the right to development a reality for everyone and to free the entire human race from want". (Paragraph 19) Because of these links, States were urged by the Conference to enhance their policies and measures to reduce income and wealth inequalities and to take steps to promote and protect economic, social and cultural rights on a non­discriminatory basis. I echo that call, and underscore that if poverty and racism are to be eliminated, we must take renewed action on all rights.
2.3. Rights-based approach to Development
Part of the task of making Durban effective must be the further consolidation of a rights-based approach to development, of which the rights-based approach to poverty eradication is a part. I acknowledge that the process of making operational a human rights-based approach to poverty reduction is in the early stages, but it will be crucial in development and poverty-reduction programmes from this point onwards. It is clear that there is convergence between human rights thinking and other approaches to poverty and development. The challenge is to use a common analysis and multi-disciplinary and multi-sectoral approaches to achieve both development and poverty reduction.
These issues were understood by the Millennium Summit, the largest ever gathering of world leaders, which refocused our attention on these relationships. In the Millennium Declaration, the General Assembly explicitly recognised the link between the realisation of the right to development and poverty reduction. It pledged to “spare no effort to free our fellow men, women and children from the abject and dehumanizing conditions of extreme poverty, to which more than a billion of them are currently subjected.”
In short as the Declaration on the Right to Development of a quarter of a century ago taught us, human rights and development must be addressed in tandem - one is not possible without the other.
3. THE CHALLENGES OF GLOBALISATION
In this age of globalisation, we hear much of the “common village”, and that the world is becoming a better place for all who live in it. The truth of the matter is that globalisation has in the past acted as a double-edged sword: it has improved the lives of many, it has also added even more economic power to those who are already powerful, but it has led to further marginalisation of many regions of the world, not least Africa.
The impact of globalisation on Africa must be of concern to us all. In his report to the Fifty-fourth session of the UN General Assembly last year, the Secretary-General made a passionate plea for the world to “include Africa”. Exclusion and marginalisation are recipes for poverty and inequality. Importantly, they lead to conflicts with very serious implications for a whole range of human rights: civil, political, economic, social and cultural. As noted by the World Conference, although globalisation offers many opportunities, it can also aggravate poverty, underdevelopment, marginalisation, social exclusion, cultural homogenisation and economic disparities along racial lines.
In order to avoid these negative consequences, I believe that a new ethical globalisation must be pursued. Globalisation must confront the inequalities it is currently exacerbating. It means that the institutions of governance -including international governance- asks and provides answers to questions such as; are we effectively and progressively guaranteeing for all people the right to health, to adequate housing, to sufficient food, to education, to justice, to freedom of expression and personal security?
But ethical globalisation can do more than halt the negative impact of world integration. It can be harnessed to help the world's poorest, most marginalised countries to improve the lives of their citizens. A World Bank’s study – “Globalisation, Growth and Poverty: Building an Inclusive World Economy” - was released last week. It highlights that these questions are especially important in the wake of 11 September and the worldwide economic slowdown, which is expected to hit the poor particularly hard.
The study puts forward a seven-point plan to help developing countries take advantage of the benefits of globalisation, while avoiding its risk. Among other measures, it calls on poor countries to improve their investment climates and put in place better social protection to support poor people in adapting to and taking advantage of opportunities in a changing economic environment. It calls upon rich countries to open their markets to exports from developing countries and to slash their large agricultural subsidies, which undercut poor country exports. It also argues for a substantial increase in development assistance, particularly to address problems in education and health. It is clear at this stage how ethical globalisation - through measures such as these which are based on respect for human rights - can advance the eradication of poverty and underdevelopment. We must campaign to make it happen.
4. AFRICAN INITIATIVES
4. 1. Strengthening institutions
Priority must be given to the strengthening of already-existing institutions, and the building of new ones. I will speak in a moment about the plans of NEPAD and the AU, but side-by-side with these laudable plans, the importance of strengthening existing systems must not be forgotten. Here, I refer to the implementation of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the strengthening of the role of the African Commission, and in particular the establishment of the proposed African Court of Human and Peoples’ Rights. The number of ratifications of the Protocol for the establishment of the Court still stands at only four. I strongly urge all states parties to the Charter to demonstrate their commitment to the protection of human rights through speedy ratification of the Protocol. I also refer to the implementation of the Grand Bay Declaration of 1999, especially as it calls for the strengthening of national systems for the promotion and protection of human rights, including national human rights institutions.
4. 2. Home-grown African Responses: NEPAD and the AU
I mentioned the Secretary General's plea to the world to 'include Africa'. But in fact, Africa is leading on many of these issues.
I would like to mention an important initiative that I participated in - the First Ministerial Conference on Human Rights in Africa which took place in 1999 under the auspicies of the Organisation of African Unity. This Conference was a first attempt on the part of African human rights policy makers working with civil society to develop a regional framework for dealing with human rights issues. I hope that the follow-up meeting proposed by that Conference will take place during 2002. Regional co-ordination on every level is of value and my Office is ready to support the OAU in this regard.
I would also like to mention the ECA’s new initiative in organising an annual regional forum bringing together African policy makers, experts and civil society to discuss important issues in the area of development – the Africa Development Forum (ADF). I look forward to OHCHR’s participation and the discussions on human rights during ADF III focusing on Regional Integration, in which we will be elaborating on the linkages between human rights and development and developing strategies for their reinforcement.
Before the adoption of NEPAD, the right to development and the strong social, economic, cultural, environmental and other community-based rights that are recognised in the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights provided a rights-based framework for those who had commitment to pursuing human rights from a developmental perspective in Africa. As I mentioned earlier, the African Charter was in fact the first human rights instrument to acknowledge the right to development as a human right.
What the Constitutive Act of the African Union and NEPAD have done is to put beyond a shadow of doubt that Africa and Africans want to focus on changing the economic life conditions of their peoples within the context of democratisation and adherence to human rights and the rule of law. Human rights and democracy cannot thrive in extreme conditions of poverty; on the other hand, the absence of democracy, human rights and the rule of law are more likely to lead to exclusion, inequality, conflicts and poverty. As I have said before, the motto should be “bread and the ballot box”, not bread alone or the ballot box alone; it cannot be any other way.
4.3. Working as partners under African leadership
I mentioned earlier that the world owes a debt to Africa for its role in building international human rights protection which is not often enough recognised. Now, the opportunity for partnership offers one way to begin to redeem that debt.
In the UN Millennium Summit, there was a resolve by the leaders of the world to tackle the special needs of Africa. The Declaration provides in part that
“We will support the consolidation of democracy in Africa and assist Africans in their struggle for lasting peace, poverty eradication and sustainable development, thereby bringing Africa into the mainstream of the world economy”. (paragraph 27)
As I pointed out, this recognition was also reflected in the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action - first that the leadership of Africa on any initiative is crucial, and second that the world must work in partnership with African leaders to advance our common goals. In the same way, I see the role of my Office as partner in this process, which must be driven by African needs, as identified by Africa itself.
This understanding - that we must build real partnerships, and that we must listen to the needs of Africa as expressed by its leaders and ordinary people - is part of the background to the new African Dialogue.
Another aspect in the construction of partnerships is a new initiative of my Office - the building of regional and sub-regional strategies for the promotion and protection of human rights. An important part of this regional strategy is the appointment of regional advisers within the UN Economic and Social Commissions. Regional advisers will be based in Bangkok, Beirut, and Santiago. In Africa, there will be four sub-regional advisers - one to be based in Addis Ababa. The purpose of this outreach is to make sure that the services of the Office are readily accessible in different parts of the world, and to ensure that our initiatives and programmes of technical co-operation are built in partnership with those involved, and respond to needs identified at home. These advisers will help to fill the gap in communication that has sometimes hindered our co-operation in the past. I encourage you to discuss with them your own ideas on how best my Office can work with you. I am strongly committed to developing this partnership.
5. OHCHR’S AFRICAN DIALOGUE
Last month, my office convened the First African Dialogue under the theme, “Human Rights, the African Union and the New Partnerships for Africa’ s Development (NEPAD)”. The Report of the Dialogue, is being distributed widely by my office can be sent to all who are interested. The primary objective of the Dialogue was to bring together African experts from States, the regional human rights bodies, national institutions, academic and research institutions, regional and international organisations and leaders in civil society to help us interpret the Constitutive Act of the Union and NEPAD. This will enable OHCHR develop programmes that are informed by and clearly reflect Africa’s own needs, aspirations and strategic plans for social, economic and indeed political development.
I am convinced that this is the right approach. We must create true partnerships with African peoples and institutions, together with external friends of Africa, if real change is to take place in the material conditions of the people and enduring democratic foundations are to be strengthened or built. The immediate priority for us is to engage with the OAU/AU secretariat and the relevant NEPAD implementation structures in order to discuss and agree on specific areas and issues for co-operation. OHCHR is actively involved in working with other United Nations agencies in Africa under the co-ordination of the ECA to ensure that our response to NEPAD will be reflective of the needs expressed by Africa and Africans.
The First African Dialogue provided us with direction as to the areas and issues that we shall explore with the OAU and NEPAD, among others. In the main these include:
1. Combating poverty by linking the activities to the promotion of the right to development and social and economic rights and the pursuit of peace and human security, promoting and consolidating democratic governance, securing the rule of law through institutional capacity building in the judiciary and other law enforcement agencies;
2. Focusing on equality and non-discrimination, promoting grassroots’ ownership of the African Union and NEPAD; and mainstreaming of human rights and humanitarian issues in these initiatives;
3. Working in partnership with the OAU/AU in some areas of mutual interest and competence, especially in strengthening the work of the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights and the envisaged African Court of Human and Peoples Rights;
4. Engaging the international financial and trade bodies and institutions with a view to facilitating the elimination of debt burdens and opening of markets to African products on favourable terms;
5. Initiating or participating in regional and sub-regional programmes for human rights research and education, through partnerships with relevant African intergovernmental, governmental and civil society structures;
6. Seeking out and working with strategic partners in Africa to promote ratification of important human rights instruments and compliance with the obligations both at international and regional levels as well as through effecting national legal changes to facilitate domestic incorporation and implementation; and
7. Embarking on all the above in co-operation with UNECA and other UN agencies to ensure real and effective mainstreaming of human rights and gender perspectives in all of our activities in Africa.
6. CONCLUSION
I appeal to you as Africans and Africa to take forward your vision and plan of action, the African Union, NEPAD, the ADF process and to make them the real weapons for tackling poverty, inequality, discrimination, intolerance, HIV/AIDS, racism, ethnic and other differences, conflicts and all other scourges that has held this and many parts of the world ransom. Let us all, my Office, other UN agencies, the OAU, Governments and organs of civil society commit ourselves to work together, in partnership to make human and peoples’ rights a reality in the lives of of African peoples’ and all other peoples’ of the world. The agenda we all hold in common - the continuing search for equality and human development - can be re-invigorated with the Durban documents.
Strong action on this front holds great promise. We must now match our clear mandate with equally clear determination to act. With the advent of the African Union, NEPAD and other innovations, we are potentially closer to the elimination of poverty, discrimination and inequality in Africa. We stand closer to the final realisation of what Secretary General Kofi Annan has called Africa's third wave: a wave of peace rooted in democracy and human rights. My Office - and I personally - look forward to continuing to build partnerships and working with African institutions and organisations in pursuit of this, our common goal.


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