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Commission on Human Rights
58th session
28 March 2002


Statement by Mr. Gerhart Baum
Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights
on the situation of human rights in the Sudan


Item 9: Question of the violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms in any part of the world



Mr. Chairman,
Excellencies,
Distinguished members of the Commission,
ladies and gentlemen,

I have the honour for the second time to address this august body to present my report, which is mainly based on visits to the Sudan and Kenya in October 2001 and March 2002, in Washington and New York in November 2001 and in Cairo in February 2002. A detailed list of the consultations held is reflected in the annex attached to the written text of my presentation.

I wish to hereby thank the Government of the Sudan for its frank and open cooperation, the Egyptian authorities, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights as well as the Office of the Resident Coordinator in Khartoum, UNDP and UNHCR in Cairo, and OCHA in Nairobi for contributing to a successful visit.

In view of the linkages between the human rights situation on the one hand and the political developments, including the peace talks, on the other, I took the opportunity during my visits to hold extensive consultations about the future perspectives which seem likely to open up for the country and their implications for the overall human rights situation. In my view, the most important element emerging from the above-mentioned discussions is the need to create a conducive environment for a sustainable peace, by focussing not only on the symptoms, but mainly on the root causes of the on-going conflict.

The recent involvement of the United States - which I advocated for in my previous reports - has marked a progress. The four points characterising the US initiative - namely: the cease-fire agreement for the Nuba Mountains; the days of tranquillity to allow for the eradication of a number of diseases; the issue of slavery, abductions and forced servitude and the recently agreed point regarding aerial bombardment and the creation of an internationally-supported monitoring mechanism, if implemented, will no doubt lead to an improvement in the overall human rights and humanitarian situation.

Nonetheless, human rights abuses linked to the on-going conflict are just one aspect of the problem. Another one is represented by those human rights violations, which do not fall directly within the framework of the conflict. In general, therefore, I believe that the overall human rights situation remains a matter of concern and in this connection, I wish to refer to information reflected in my report (E/CN.4/2002/46) as well as in the present text.

During my last visit, I noted with appreciation that a number of conditions have been set which may be conducive for an improvement of the human rights situation in the Sudan. I remain interested to follow the situation on the ground to see how it develops in the long run.

These new elements mainly focus on the building up and/or strengthening of institutions and training activities. In this connection, I wish to refer to the new CEAWC structure, the on-going discussions relating to the creation of a national human rights institution; the training activities organised by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights within its technical co-operation program and, in rebel-held southern Sudan, the initial steps taken towards the strengthening of the civil society.

While it is much too early to evaluate the real impact of such new initiatives on the overall human rights situation, decisive will be the follow-up action taken on these initiatives and their measurable impact on the ground, in the short-, medium- and long-run. The link between the strengthening of the civil society, transition to democracy and a sustainable peace should also be kept into account.

I. The US initiative

I wish to once again refer to the four points characterising the US-led initiative.

Regarding the Cease-fire Agreement for the Nuba Mountains, I wish to welcome the openness of both parties to the conflict in relation to the recent talks held in Bürgenstock, Switzerland, from 13 through 19 January 2002, which led to the signing of the Nuba Mountains Cease-fire Agreement. While I welcome this encouraging development, I strongly condemn the helicopter gunship attack which took place in Bieh, Upper Nile on 20 February 2002, which caused the death of 24 civilians, mostly women and children, and which led to a stall in the implementation of the peace initiative brokered by US Presidential Envoy Danforth. In this connection, I wish to support the joint statement made by the UN Emergency Relief Coordinator Kenzo Oshima, WFP Executive Director Catherine Bertini and UNICEF Director Carol Bellamy Source: United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Date: 21 February 2002 in relation to the Bieh incident as part of “an alarming pattern of attacks by the Sudanese Government and associated militias against civilians at or near food distribution points and looting of humanitarian facilities” The Bieh incident follows two more major incidents occurred during the month of February, namely: Akuem, Bahr al-Ghazal, 9 February 2002, whereby two children were killed and 12 civilians injured by aerial bombardment following a food distribution by WFP and Nimne, Western Upper Nile, same day, whereby one MSF-Holland local staff and four other civilians were killed by aerial bombardment while a team from MSF-Holland and Save the Children-UK were providing medical treatment and carrying out an assessment. Following evacuation of staff for security reasons, NGO compounds were completely looted in ground attacks by Government-allied militia over the following two days. More than 100 patients suffering from deadly diseases were dispersed and have remained without access to medical treatment.. In this connection, I also wish to condemn the SPLM/A's continued use of civilian installations for military purposes, which points to the Movement’s share of responsibility in such incidents. I hope that the recently agreed monitoring of aerial bombardment incidents will effectively address the plight of civilians by contributing to ensure their protection.

Regarding the issue of "Slavery, Abductions and Forced Servitude", during my last visit, I was informed that, in an attempt to strengthen the Committee for the Eradication of Abductions of Women and Children (CEAWC), the President of the Republic moved it directly under his supervision while providing it with full-time chairmanship and appropriate resources Presidential Decree 14/2002 of 26 January 2002.. While I hope that, with its new methodology of work characterized by a more participatory approach, CEAWC will be able to accomplish its mandate in the one-year timeframe set to deliver concrete results CEAWC has now been designed to function as a community-based project, which foresees the facilitation of the Government within a tribal-owned process. Leaders at the grass-root level have been sensitised with a view to raising awareness within their own communities. Two reconciliation conferences are also scheduled to take place in western Kordofan and southern Darfur before the end of April with a view to solving the issue in a traditional manner. Legal proceedings are foreseen as a last resort-measure, upon completion of the one-year period. , I regret to note that I continued to receive cases of new raids followed by abductions, an issue which remains closely – although not exclusively – linked to the on-going war. I therefore welcome the US initiative aimed at monitoring the situation on the ground through the deployment of a technical team to support two field visits to be undertaken by monitoring commissioners. I believe that, if this initiative could lead to a permanent monitoring in Bahr al-Ghazal, it would be a major achievement on this heinous practice which, as of yet, is still going on.

Finally, I welcome the agreement reached on the days of tranquillity to allow for the eradication of a number of diseases including polio, Guinea Worm and Rinderpest.

II. The civil society

In general, political opposition parties, politically active students, and representatives of independent newspapers or human rights NGOs still have limited possibilities to develop freely by holding and exchanging opinions and information and have continued to be subjected to different forms of harassment. People remain subject to arbitrary interpretation and application of laws. While I noticed a decrease in the number of individual cases of arbitrary detention and torture, I was informed that reporting – whereby an individual is summoned by the security daily, occasionally for long periods of time – continues to take place and that individuals are sometimes subjected to more subtle, psychological forms of torture. I remain particularly concerned at the resumption of amputations. In this connection, I was informed that most of the recent cases occurred in Darfur where banditry and lawlessness are widespread. I had the opportunity to discuss the establishment of the Special Court at el-Fashir State of North Darfur, General Secretariat of the Government, 1 May 2001, Decree No. 21/2001 – Formulation/Establishment of Special Court at El-Fashir, whereby the Court has to deal with – inter alia - armed robbery, breaches of the Emergency and Protection of Safety of 1997, disturbance of public safety and any complaint concerning acts to be a crime under any other law as specified by the Wali of the State or the Head of the Judicial Body of Darfur State. Procedures foreseen include that the Court accepts the confession of the partner and considers the confession as evidence, as far as the Court is convinced by such confession. If, however, the accused withdraw his/her confession, the Court shall still take into account that confession as evidence against the accused, who has no right to withdraw his/her confession. In addition, it is foreseen that trials should be prompt in terms of issuing judgements as well as carrying out executions and that lawyers have no right to appear before the Courts to defend the suspect. Only a suspect’s friend can appear to provide assistance. with the Ministry of Justice and I received an invitation to visit Darfur from the State Minister for Foreign Affairs.


I was informed that students who are involved in human rights and/or political activities as well as political opposition party members – particularly from the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Popular National Congress (PNC) - have continued to be harassed I received some cases of students who have been dismissed and/or suspended due to their activities which were considered to be in violation of the Student Discipline and Code of Conduct Act of 2002. I also received allegations of torture, reportedly occurred in the same context. As for harassment of political opposition parties, I was informed that 11 PNC members are currently detained.. Two representatives of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) were not allowed to attend the NDA Leadership Council meeting held in Asmara at the end of February. PNC leader Hassan al-Turabi has continued to remain detained and his defence lawyers hassled, with the judiciary being unable to play a decisive role.

I also received consistent reports on the recent elections of the Bar Association, which concur in pointing out that the procedures followed were neither free nor fair. I am particularly concerned at the role played by the Constitutional Court in this respect and the apparent lack of independence shown by the judiciary.

III. Role of police and security officers

The state of emergency has remained in force since December 1999, thus allowing for the possibility to resort to largely flexible security measures, particularly when it comes to interpretation and arbitrary implementation of such measures.

The amendment to the National Security Forces Act, which virtually allows for incommunicado detention for periods of six up to nine months, remains in place.

During my mission, I was briefed about the recent amendments introduced on 22 January 2002 by presidential provisional order to the Criminal Procedure Act of 1991, which strengthen the powers of law enforcement agents in matters relating to – inter alia - investigation, arrest, interrogation and detention, without judicial review. NGOs expressed concerns at the risk that such an amendment may give police officers a power comparable with the one enjoyed by security officers. While I noted that the decree has not yet been discussed by the National Assembly, I remain concerned at its potential implications which need to be monitored, particularly as impunity is an issue that has not yet been tackled in a satisfactory manner.


IV. Freedom of the press

While freedom of the press has temporarily benefited from the lifting of censorship in late November 2001, some more independent newspapers have continued to be targeted. Measures have been imposed in the form of high fines, which seem to aim at economically strangling the newspaper concerned, thus threatening its survival.

I was also informed of cases of temporary imprisonment of journalists and denial of visas.

V. Freedom of religion and belief

Regarding freedom of religion and belief, I believe that although there is no religious persecution per se in the Sudan, serious concerns and cases of discrimination against Christians, i.e. denial of visas, permissions to build new churches and equal participation in the educational system, have continued to be reported. In addition, the status of the Churches is not legally secured. In my discussions with relevant counterparts, I noted a certain degree of mutual distrust, which does not help the inter-religious dialogue to move forward.

I was informed however, that the Government More specifically the Ministry of Guidance and Endowment, which is in charge of religious affairs. has approached the Churches with a view to consulting with them on the appointment of representatives for the Consultative Council for Christians. I will continue to monitor any concrete follow-up on this issue as well as other relevant commitments made to the European Union in this respect, which are reflected in my report (E/CN.4/2002/46).

VI. Human rights and humanitarian law

Regarding human rights and humanitarian law in the context of the conflict, all information received point to the situation in Upper Nile as a major source of concern, partly as a consequence of the cease-fire in the Nuba Mountains which led both the Government and the SPLM/A to re-deploy their troops in the oil-rich region, thus contributing to an intensification of hostilities Hence the need to have an internationally monitored cease-fire. It should be noted that the Nuba Mountains Cease-fire Agreement specifically refers to “attempts to occupy new ground positions and movement of troops and resources from one location to another” (Art. II.3.c), and states that “once the cease-fire has become effective, neither of the parties shall engage in movement or redeployment of forces resulting in tactical or strategic advantage” (Art. IV.3) .

In addition to reports focusing on the situation in Western Upper Nile, I was also informed that 21 villages have reportedly been burnt down by Government-allied militias on 11 February 2002 in Melud, Adariel area, Northern Upper Nile, in the vicinity of the Chinese concession.

Allied militias from both sides continued to cause widespread insecurity, making no difference between military and civilian targets and often resorting to recruitment of child soldiers. Their actions continued to go unaccounted for and served both parties’ purpose to avoid exposing their troops while maintaining confusion regarding the situation on the ground, an element of instability, which disturbs relief services provided by international and local organizations. Access for humanitarian aid has continued to be difficult and flight clearances remain at times confusing, thus allowing for mishaps to take place. The number of denied locations has reportedly increased with up to 45 destinations denied in Upper Nile at the beginning of this month, by the Government. On the other hand, I continued to receive reports of forced recruitment and food-aid diversion, involving the SPLM/A and the SPDF The leaders of the SPLM/A and SPDF, respectively John Garang de Mabior and Riek Machar Teny-Dhurgon, meeting in Nairobi, Kenya, on 5-6 January 2002 agreed to an immediate merger of the two Movements under the name of SPLM/SPLA, thus integrating their military forces, political structures and governance systems. (Nairobi Declaration of Unity between the SPLM/SPLA and the SPDF). This development should be read in conjunction with the fact that the SPDF – and notably the Nuer areas under its control - used to be a buffer zone in the region of the oilfields. I was informed however, that the new unity within the rebel movement has limited practical effects on the ground, where local commanders are often heading splinter groups allied with shifting, local militias. Also, I continued to receive consistent reports indicating that Garang’s authority is disputed and that there is some opposition within the Movement regarding his authoritarian leadership. . As a result, the plight of civilians remains of serious concern and displacement has continued unabated.

The intensification of fighting in Western Upper Nile has led some sources to confirm reports received referring to scorched earth tactics aiming at creating a buffer zone in the oil-producing areas. Access remains difficult and detailed information is therefore scarce. International organizations highlighted their humanitarian concerns together with the underlying issue of protection of civilians and strongly advocated for a temporary ceasefire and cessation of hostilities in the area It should be noted that the Government itself has repeatedly proposed the establishment of a comprehensive cease-fire and, more recently, the extension of the cease-fire to Western Upper Nile. On the other hand, the SPLM/A has continued to reject any ceasefire that is not linked to serious talks and other conditions, because it fears that an unconditional cease-fire would allow the Government to step up oil production and increase arm purchase with impunity. This stand – which is endorsed by the IGAD Declaration of Principles, which foresees a cease-fire as part of a comprehensive settlement, is shared by the US, which so far has not accepted the Government’s proposal on the same grounds. . Also, in view of the lack of documentation agreed upon by both parties and in order to respond to Sudanese officials’ claims whereby reports issued so far lack a balanced perspective since they are only based on the analysis of data coming from SPLM-held areas It should be noted that non-OLS agencies are to some extent present in the area, but due to the fact that they do not fall within the tripartite OLS Agreement, they are not considered neutral by the Government., I welcome the recent agreement reached on the aerial bombardment and humanitarian targets and the creation of a monitoring mechanism.

VII. The situation of women

In keeping with relevant Commission on Human Rights resolutions (1996/73; 1997/59; 1998/67; 1999/15; 2000/27; 2001/18), whereby the Commission on Human Rights stressed the importance of the Special Rapporteur continuing to apply genderperspective systematically in the reporting process, including information collection and recommendations, during my visits to the Sudan, I paid particular attention to the situation of women, including in the framework of the conflict. Accordingly, I have reported on the issue of abduction of women and children, legislation affecting women, the situation of southern Sudanese women as internally displaced and their resorting to alcohol brewing which is a crime under Shari'a law.

I have also been informed of the widely spread practice of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) and of the work which has been done by both international and local organisations, to which goes my unconditional support.

As I mentioned in my previous reports, since my appointment, I have been urging the Government to continue discussions and awareness-raising with a view to acceding the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).

VIII. The SPLM/A-controlled territories

As regards the SPLM/A-controlled territories, while it remains extremely difficult to access and receive information, particularly on individual cases, with a view to monitoring the situation, I continued to receive some elements whereby those areas continue to be administered by the military In fact, in one of the interviews that I had during my visit, I was told clearly that the SPLM/A is not a movement; it is an army. in spite of some slow developments in the building up of civil society structures. High-level officials continue to refer to each other as “commanders”, which indicates and confirms their military mindedness. There seems to be a certain reluctance to speed up the creation of a conducive environment for a civil administration to be put in place.

Elections, which have been repeatedly announced and postponed, have not yet taken place. I was informed that they would be further postponed due to the recent merger between the SPLM/A and the SPDF. It remains to be seen whether they will take place and to what extent they will have an impact on the political dynamic of the SPLM/A-held areas, which so far has remained virtually absent.

In connection with human rights violations committed by the SPLM/A in the framework of the conflict, I was informed that displaced women moving from Raja to Tambora in western Bahr al-Ghazal since October 2001, up to 15,000 displaced have been moving from Raja southwards to Tambora, are systematically raped by SPLM/A soldiers. Following an investigation conducted by two UN staff, local commanders promised that the situation would change. However, abuses continued to be perpetrated. I was informed of the case of a 16-year old school girl who was raped at gun-point. In addition, impunity seems to remain the rule and there seems to be no serious attempt to avoid it when it comes to soldiers.

I was also informed of an incident occurred in February 2002 involving a local chief in Raja, entering into a trade agreement with SPLM/A soldiers. As a result of the fact that the agreement did not work, the chief was beaten to death by some SPLM/A soldiers. The SPLM/A commanders seized with this issue dealt with it through a Marshall Court, which sentenced to death 3 of the 5 soldiers involved. The 3 soldiers were subsequently executed.

In this connection, I also wish to refer to the situation in Eastern Equatoria, which contrary to information I had received in October last year, and in spite of the hopes raised by the New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC), has not evolved significantly. Clashes between Dinka and Didinga have continued to occur periodically and Didinga – who are ruled by an SPLM/A commander – reportedly still feel under military occupation.

On a more positive note, I was informed that the UNICEF program of demobilization of child soldiers is proceeding but there is a need for training and awareness-raising to prevent further recruitment to take place. While UNICEF has so far tried – and to a certain extent managed - to remove excuses for SPLM/A’s inaction, the SPLM/A needs now to assume its responsibilities on this issue and make it a community-owned process. International monitoring remains essential at this stage, for a responsible handling of the program.

IX. International conventions

In this connection, I wish to once again encourage the Government to continue discussions with a view to acceding to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) as well as ratifying the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), which the Government promised to do last year, on the occasion of my first visit.

Regarding the status of reporting obligations, I noted that the Government has presented all the reports due under the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. I also noted that the third periodic report under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights was due on 7 November 2001 and that it is scheduled to be discussed at the July 2002 session of the Human Rights Committee.

X. The oil issue within the context of the right to development

As I stated in my previous reports, and as reported by different sources, oil is indeed exacerbating the conflict, insofar as the war in the Sudan is the result of a fight for the control of power and resources. The Government of the Sudan has often made reference to its right to development. It is against this background that I wish to focus on the oil issue in connection with the right to development, and more specifically the use of oil revenues and the need to develop a wealth-sharing arrangement with the South.

In particular, I wish to recall the United Nations Declaration on the Right to Development, to reiterate that "development is a comprehensive economic, social, cultural and political process, which aims at the constant improvement of the well-being of the entire population and of all individuals on the basis of their active, free and meaningful participation in development and in the fair distribution of benefits resulting therefrom" See also Art. 6, paras 2 and 3, whereby "All human rights and fundamental freedoms are indivisible and interdependent; equal attention and urgent consideration should be given to the implementation, promotion and protection of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights" (para 2) and "States should take steps to eliminate obstacles to development resulting from failure to observe civil and political rights, as well as economic, social and cultural rights" (para 3).. In this connection, I wish to stress more specifically the plight of the people living around the oilfields.

In this connection, I wish to welcome the proposal to create a special fund for the reconstruction of southern Sudan, which will be discussed at the League of Arab States meeting to be held in Beirut, Lebanon, at the end of this month.

Finally, I wish to recall paragraph 11 of res. 2001/9, whereby the Commission on Human Rights "Stresses the necessity of establishing, at the national level, an enabling legal, political, economic and social environment for the realization of the right to development and emphasizes the importance of democratic, participatory, transparent and accountable governance as well as the need for efficient national mechanisms such as national human rights commissions, to ensure respect for civil, economic, cultural, political and social rights without any distinction". I therefore wish to reiterate my recommendation that development aid be closely linked to tangible progress in the field of human rights.

XI. The role of the United Nations

Regarding the role of the United Nations in the Sudan, and in connection with my recommendations on the need to support the civil society in the Sudan, I would like to hereby express my appreciation for the technical co-operation activities carried out recently by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Khartoum, which aim at building and/or strengthening national capacities in the field of human rights through the provision of training on the promotion and protection of human rights. I believe that OHCHR should commit more resources and staff to implementing technical co-operation activities in the Sudan that enhance the capacity of the Government and civil society organisations to further the promotion and protection of international human rights norms. While I appreciate the opening of the authorities in Khartoum in implementing the first phase of co-operation with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, I wish to encourage the Government to be more pro-active and take the initiative in follow-up activities, which may usefully complement the training provided so far. Activities should also include human rights awareness-raising, by disseminating international instruments including relevant concluding observations prepared by the Treaty Bodies on the periodic reports prepared by the Government in implementation of its reporting obligations for the Treaties that it has signed and ratified.

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I also wish to refer to the role of the United Nations in such a potentially disruptive situation as the Sudanese conflict, because I believe that any initiative - be it in the field of human rights, or within the framework of the peace process - should find its place in the context of a wider political initiative. While I had the opportunity to appreciate the difficult task of the humanitarian team, I noted that the political dimension is missing but very much called for. I am convinced that relief aid and technical co-operation, including in the field of human rights, should be part of a wider political strategy in the context of conflict resolution. I therefore believe that a strong political involvement by the Secretary-General of the United Nations is urgently needed to support the peace process, for the neutrality and objectivity that characterize its action as opposed to single Government’s initiatives and for its potential to bring on board the whole international community in an effective and successful way.


Conclusions and recommendations

I had the opportunity to visit Sudan twice at a very interesting time, characterized by a potential breakthrough in the peace negotiations and a progressive change in the international context, linked inter alia to a deeper involvement of the United States and other countries such as Egypt and Kenya. While I am aware that the post-11 September poses a concrete risk of abuses under the cover of combating terrorism, I am also cautiously optimistic about the window of opportunity that may derive from such a new setting. I believe that a long-term, comprehensive, unified approach is the only way for any peace initiative to succeed. In this connection, I welcome the Nuba Mountains Cease-fire Agreement which, besides its humanitarian implications, includes aspects relating to rehabilitation and reconstruction and I appeal to the Government to create conducive conditions to allow for international monitoring in the most critical zones and guarantee free and unhindered access to international and domestic organizations.

At the same time, however, I remain convinced that, in order to achieve a sustainable and just peace, it is paramount to focus not only on the symptoms but also on the root-causes of the conflict and that therefore a political follow-up is needed “It will be important to look not only at the conflict, but beyond the conflict. Parties – at the high level – do not see themselves beyond the conflict period: what will happen to them after the war? Hence their need to buy time” (interview in Nairobi, 6 March 2002). It is therefore key that all relevant actors – including the civil society - be included in the process Many opposition members, from different parties, complained that the opposition has not been adequately involved in the US initiative, which appears to them as overlooking the issue of human rights, missing the link among the latter, democratisation and peace as a result of a combined approach and, in a nutshell, lacking a holistic perspective. Some international and local observers believed that by focusing on specific issues, the US is only looking at the symptoms rather than the root-causes of the conflict. There has been no focus on finding a consensus among all concerned parties on how the country should go about a transition towards a democratic development, in the short-, medium and long-term. In this connection, many also raised doubts about the ability of the American administration to conceive and implement a long-term strategy, maintaining the same level of pressure for an extended period of time (including up to 5 years). and that peace negotiations go hand in hand with a process of confidence-building and democratisation, at the heart of which human rights must find their place. The momentum must be preserved.

The civil society is gradually playing a more active role. I was pleased to learn that, following the training for NGOs organised by the OHCHR, local NGOs – which were gathered together for the first time - created a networking steering committee to better co-ordinate their activities. In addition, different segments of the civil society, including intellectuals, politicians and trade unionists, came together to discuss the creation of a national commission for human rights. I was also informed that open discussions took place in the presence of some Government officials. I wish to hereby welcome this development and encourage any interested part to contribute to the discussions in a constructive way.

It is against this background that I hereby wish to reiterate my appeal to the international community to speak with one voice and to donors to invest not only in relief activities but also in the support and strengthening of civil society structures, including independence of the judiciary, respect for the rule of law, good governance and respect for other basic human rights and fundamental freedoms, both in the north and in the south of the country. Assistance should be seen in the context of creating the conditions for sustainable peace.



Annex

Mission to the Sudan and Kenya - October 2001

In Khartoum, I met with government officials, representatives of political opposition parties, elements of the civil society, including domestic NGOs, the press and the Churches. I also met with staff of United Nations Agencies, representatives of the diplomatic community and the donors as well as international NGOs. In addition, I visited two IDPs camps in the vicinity of Khartoum.

Further to an invitation received by the Government of the Sudan, I travelled to oil-rich Unity State and visited Bentiu, Rubkona and the Dinka village of Paryang.

Following some meetings in Nairobi, with representatives of the SPLM/A, Sudanese organizations and civil society, UN OLS and non-OLS staff, some key donors and diplomatic representatives, I visited Rumbek, in rebel-held southern Sudan, where I held meetings with SPLM/A and SRRA representatives, some judges, international NGOs and UNICEF staff who briefed me about the on-going program of de-mobilization of child soldiers.

A detailed list of the personalities met during my October 2001 visit is reflected in an Annex to my report (E/CN.4/2002/46)


Mission to Washington and New York - November 2001

I travelled to Washington and New York in November 2001, to present my interim report to the General Assembly and to hold consultations with US Government officials and NGOs, including Human Rights Watch, the Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns, the Washington Office on Africa, Amnesty International, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, Catholic Relief Services, the Canadian Ecumenical Justice Initiatives, the Society of Missionaries of Africa, Africa Faith and Justice Network, the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, the International Rescue Committee, the National Endowment for Democracy, the RFK Center for Human Rights, the Carter Center.

While in New York, I held consultations with United Nations senior officials, including - in chronological order - Mr. Lamin Sise, Director for Political, Peace-keeping and Humanitarian Affairs (Executive Office of the Secretary-General, EOSG), Mr. Kenzo Oshima, Emergency Relief Co-ordinator (Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, OCHA), Mr. Iqbal Riza, Chef de Cabinet (Executive Office of the Secretary-General, EOSG), Sir Kieran Prendergast, Under Secretary-General (Department of Political Affairs, DPA) and relevant UNICEF staff. I also met with the President of the Security Council (Jamaica).


Mission to Egypt, the Sudan and Kenya - February-March 2002

Following the submission of my report in December 2001, I undertook my third mission to the Sudan, since my appointment in December 2000. From 26 through 28 February, I visited Cairo, where I met with some Egyptian authorities, including representatives from the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and Presidential Advisor, Mr. Osama el-Baz. I also met the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States, Mr. Amr Musa as well as members of Sudanese opposition parties (Sudanese Democratic Unionist Party, DUP; Union of Sudanese African Parties, USAP), NGOs (Sudanese Victims of Torture Group, SVTG) and representatives of the Massaliet minority, who briefed me about the situation in the western State of Darfur.

From 1 through 5 March I visited Khartoum, where I met with the First Vice-President, the Presidential Advisor on peace, the Minister of Justice, Defence, Energy and Mining, Information and Communication, Guidance and Endowment, the State Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Head of the Human Rights Committee at the National Assembly, as well as the Rapporteur of the Advisory Council for Human Rights. I also met with different segments of the civil society, including representatives of political opposition, domestic NGOs, the press, the Churches and I had the opportunity to meet the three target groups of the OHCHR technical cooperation program, notably local NGOs, security, police officers and government officials who had attended training sessions on, respectively, the role of Sudanese NGOs in the promotion and protection of human rights (held from 11 through 17 February 2002), the role of the Sudanese regular forces in the promotion and protection of human rights (held from 13 through 19 January 2002) and the reporting obligations under international human rights treaty bodies (held from 26 through 31 January 2002). I also held consultations with the UN Resident Co-ordinator and Heads of UN Agencies, representatives of the donors, diplomatic and consular missions, international NGOs.

In Nairobi, I met with representatives of the Sudan People’s Democratic Front/Sudan People's Defence Forces (SPDF), UN OLS and non-OLS organizations, representatives of some key donor countries as well as the Kenyan Presidential Envoy for IGAD, Mr. Lazaro Sumbeiywo.



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